D\u00fcnyadaki de\u011fi\u015fim, b\u00f6lgesel de\u011fi\u015fim, sosyolojik de\u011fi\u015fim hayat\u0131n dinamizmidir.<\/p>\n
Me\u015fhur tabirle de\u011fi\u015fmeyen tek \u015fey de\u011fi\u015fimdir. K\u00fcrt siyaseti bir s\u00fcredir kendini tekrar etmenin \u00f6tesinde yozla\u015fma ve \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmeye kar\u015f\u0131 da koruyucu mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fletememektedir. Bunun ortaya \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal k\u0131r\u0131lma, siyasetten so\u011fuma ve siyaset\u00e7iye y\u00f6nelik g\u00fcven bunal\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n hamaset s\u00f6ylemleriyle a\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 sorunla y\u00fczle\u015fmeyi ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fcretmeyi de imkans\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bir taraftan ki\u015fisel kariyer hesaplar\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye siyasetinin genelini ku\u015fatan \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmenin K\u00fcrt siyasetine de derinlemesine sirayet etmesi, di\u011fer tarafta bu \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmeyi hal\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131na s\u00fcp\u00fcren kat\u0131 ideolojik mesajlarda \u0131srar edilmesiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z.Elbette uzun s\u00fcren \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 d\u00f6nem siyasetin kendisini \u00f6zne olarak g\u00f6rmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en \u00f6nemli engellerden birisidir. Karar alma insiyatifini kendisinde g\u00f6rmeyen siyasal fakt\u00f6rler \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn faturas\u0131n\u0131 da \u00fcstlenmekten \u0131srarla ka\u00e7\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. Taleplerin y\u00fcksekli\u011fi yerine kullan\u0131lan ara\u00e7lar\u0131n sertli\u011fi siyaset\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan masaya yat\u0131r\u0131lam\u0131yor, taleplerle ara\u00e7lar aras\u0131ndaki uyumsuzluk, bir taraftan toplumsal me\u015fruiyet krizine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor, di\u011fer yandan muhatapl\u0131k karga\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
Silah\u0131 sorunun tek belirleyeni olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcp siyasetin hareket alan\u0131n\u0131 sadece sonu\u00e7larla m\u00fccadele ba\u011flam\u0131na hapsetmek, bir k\u0131s\u0131r d\u00f6ng\u00fcy\u00fc kal\u0131c\u0131 hale getiriyor. Siyasetin silah kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki \u00e7aresizli\u011fi ne d\u00fcr\u00fcst\u00e7e itiraf edilebiliyor, ne de bir alternatif tutum geli\u015ftiriliyor. Zaman zaman silah\u0131n belirleyicili\u011fine dair sitem dillendirilirken yeri geldi\u011finde de sanki silaha ra\u011fmen siyaset \u00fcretmenin imkan\u0131 varm\u0131\u015f gibi tutum sergileniyor.<\/p>\n
Gelinen noktada K\u00fcrtlerin ya aktif \u00f6zne olarak siyasi tercihlerini netle\u015ftirmesi gerekiyor ya da bu k\u0131s\u0131r d\u00f6ng\u00fcden ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kabullenilmesi l\u00fczum ediyor.<\/p>\n
E\u011fer talep ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir devletin kurulmas\u0131 ise gayet tabi kullan\u0131lan ara\u00e7lar\u0131n da demokratik sistem s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan silahl\u0131 harekete uygun konumlanaca\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Ancak uzun s\u00fcredir ana ak\u0131m K\u00fcrt siyasetinin tam tersine, devlet merkezli \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yerine toplum eksenli demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc hedef olarak tarif etmesi kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve siyasal s\u00f6ylem tutars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz k\u0131l\u0131yor. Hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131k temelinde hayata ge\u00e7irilmesini esas alan bir demokratikle\u015fme program\u0131 hedefleniyorsa silah\u0131n rol\u00fcn\u00fcn i\u015flevinin g\u00fcncel ko\u015fullarda yeniden ele al\u0131nmas\u0131 gerekiyor.<\/p>\n
Neredeyse 2000’li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan bu yana silah\u0131n bir tercih olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, sadece silah b\u0131rakma ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fmamas\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla mevcut durumun ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ifade edilmektedir.<\/p>\n
Durum ger\u00e7ekten b\u00f6yleyse mevcut ko\u015fullar\u0131n olu\u015fumu, sadece iktidardan beklenecek bir ad\u0131ma m\u0131 endekslenmelidir, yoksa siyaset kurumu mu bu s\u00fcreci in\u015fa etmeye y\u00f6nelmelidir. K\u00fcrt siyasetinin iki arada kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k sendromunu a\u015f\u0131p kendisini do\u011frudan bir toplumsal \u00f6nc\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde ciddi yap\u0131sal engeller bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Konuyu parti y\u00f6netimlerinin, e\u015f ba\u015fkanlar\u0131n beceri, yetenek, kapasite ve tarz sorunu olarak ele almak da son derece dar bir yakla\u015f\u0131md\u0131r. Elbette ki\u015filere g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fen fakt\u00f6rler vard\u0131r ancak ki\u015fileri a\u015fan boyutun \u00e7ok daha bask\u0131n oldu\u011fu da gayet a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Toplumsal beklentiyi kar\u015f\u0131layacak bir siyasal iradenin \u00f6znele\u015fmesi ancak netle\u015fmesi ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Demokratik siyasetin olmazsa olmaz\u0131 farkl\u0131l\u0131klara tahamm\u00fcl ve ayk\u0131r\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin zenginlik oldu\u011funu kabuld\u00fcr. K\u00fcrt siyasal \u00f6zneleri, adeta silahl\u0131 akt\u00f6rlerin do\u011fal militer yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ile sivil ve siyasal alan\u0131 dizayn edemezler. Farkl\u0131 siyasal g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler, farkl\u0131 aidiyetler, a\u011f\u0131r ele\u015ftiriler y\u00fcksek sesle itirazlar, demokrasinin zenginli\u011fidir.<\/p>\n
\u00d6zg\u00fcvene sahip siyasal akt\u00f6rler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bunlar tehdit ya da zaaf unsurlar\u0131 de\u011fildir. Aksine tahamm\u00fcl s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fli\u011fi demokratik olgunluk ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel \u00f6zg\u00fcvenin de g\u00f6stergesidir. B\u00f6lgesel geli\u015fmeler, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler, g\u00fcvenlik ve savunma sekt\u00f6r\u00fcndeki de\u011fi\u015fimler, art\u0131k Ortado\u011fu’da K\u00fcrtlerin siyasal m\u00fccadele y\u00f6ntem ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 da yeniden sorgulamas\u0131n\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Devletler aras\u0131 gerilim ve rekabetin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131\u011f\u0131 f\u0131rsat\u0131 atlama tahtas\u0131na \u00e7evirmenin kolayl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Gerek bat\u0131l\u0131 devletlerin insan haklar\u0131 alan\u0131nda sergiledikleri ikircikli tutum, gerek b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinin birbirleriyle i\u015fbirli\u011fine mecburiyeti, K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeni bir yol haritas\u0131n\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
7 ekim sonras\u0131 Gazze’de ba\u015flayan s\u00fcrecin seyri\u00a0 ne olursa olsun, sonunda K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeni bir tablo ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
50 y\u0131l \u00f6nce Filistin direni\u015fi ile ayn\u0131 ortamlarda bulu\u015farak kendisine alan a\u00e7an Sosyalist silahl\u0131 hareketler K\u00fcrt m\u00fccadelesinin de ana motivasyon kayna\u011f\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Bug\u00fcn itibariyle 4 par\u00e7adaki K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da kolay\u00a0 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolunun \u0130srail ve onu destekleyen devletlerle iyi ili\u015fkiden ge\u00e7ti\u011fini varsaymak, kendi sonunu haz\u0131rlamakt\u0131r. Elbette K\u00fcrtlerden beklenen \u0130srail ve onu destekleyen bat\u0131l\u0131 y\u00f6netimlerle sava\u015fmak olmasa da bir s\u00fcredir K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7erisinde \u0130srail sempatisinin y\u00fckseli\u015fi hayra alamet de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n
120 y\u0131l \u00f6nce Ermeni \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc cesaretlendirip te\u015fvik eden, destekleyen ama sonra ortada b\u0131rakan d\u00fcnya dengeleri K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir kere daha tekerr\u00fcr edebilir.<\/p>\n
B\u00f6lge halklar\u0131yla, bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7erisinde, \u00fclkelerin g\u00fcvenlik kayg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n nesnesi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kacak bir strateji ile kal\u0131c\u0131 ve kabul edilebilir bir bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n imkan\u0131 aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. B\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinin kendilerini g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc hissetti\u011finde ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ezecekleri ilk muhatap olarak K\u00fcrtleri g\u00f6rmesi elbette herkesten \u00f6nce K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hafife al\u0131nmayacak bir tehlikedir.<\/p>\n
G\u00fcvenlik gerek\u00e7elerini hakl\u0131l\u0131k boyutundan bir ad\u0131m daha ileriye g\u00f6t\u00fcrerek hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri k\u0131s\u0131tlama gerek\u00e7esi arg\u00fcman\u0131 haline getiren otoriterle\u015fme potansiyeli asla ihtimal d\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmemelidir.<\/p>\n
Saddam sonras\u0131 Irak’ta K\u00fcrtlerin Bat\u0131 ile i\u015fbirli\u011fi sayesinde elde ettikleri kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n \u015fimdi \u0130ran, Suriye, T\u00fcrkiye ve Irak’taki t\u00fcm K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in bir model olarak benimsenmesi do\u011fru bir analiz y\u00f6ntemi de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n
Bu b\u00f6lge y\u00f6netimlerinin zay\u0131flamas\u0131n\u0131n K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in rahatlamaya neden olaca\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131 ancak k\u0131sa d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in kolayc\u0131 bir beklenti olabilir.<\/p>\n
Orta ve uzun vadede g\u00f6ze al\u0131nan riskin kapsaml\u0131 analizi yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131y\u0131m ve bast\u0131rmalar\u0131n zeminini olu\u015fturma ihtimali asla g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmemeli, unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
K\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar\u0131n evrensel standartlara uygun ve di\u011fer halklarla e\u015fit d\u00fczeye ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131, siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc engelin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 as\u0131l g\u00fcndem olmas\u0131 gerekirken, bug\u00fcn itibar\u0131yla ana tart\u0131\u015fma ve ayr\u0131\u015fma konusu g\u00fcvenlik politikalar\u0131 \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenmektedir.<\/p>\n
\u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde K\u00fcrt siyaseti i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015fanmas\u0131 beklenen k\u0131r\u0131lma ve hesapla\u015fmalar sorunlar\u0131 cesaretle masaya yat\u0131rm\u0131yor olman\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz sonucudur. K\u00fcrtlerin, cumhuriyetin ikinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131nda hangi haklara sahip olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n konu\u015fulmas\u0131 yerine hangi K\u00fcrt siyaset\u00e7inin pe\u015finden gidece\u011finin hesab\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131l\u0131yor olmas\u0131 K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kay\u0131pt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrtlerin ki\u015fi kurtar\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na prim veriyor olmas\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fal sonucu, kurtar\u0131c\u0131lar aras\u0131 iktidar m\u00fccadelesinin faturas\u0131n\u0131n da K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan en a\u011f\u0131r bi\u00e7imde \u00f6denmesi olacakt\u0131r. Orta Do\u011fu’nun en dinamik halklar\u0131ndan olan K\u00fcrtler b\u00f6lgenin sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimine kataliz\u00f6r katk\u0131s\u0131 yapmak yerine k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck hesaplara dayal\u0131 f\u0131rsat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa y\u00f6nelirse, b\u00fcy\u00fck kay\u0131plar\u0131 da g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcslemek zorunda kalacakt\u0131r. \u0130srail’in her \u015fart alt\u0131nda kazanaca\u011f\u0131 onunla birlikte olanlar\u0131n da kazanan tarafta kalaca\u011f\u0131 varsay\u0131m\u0131, g\u00fcn ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeyde de ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini yitirmektedir.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Kaynak: serhatinsesi.com<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
D\u00fcnyadaki de\u011fi\u015fim, b\u00f6lgesel de\u011fi\u015fim, sosyolojik de\u011fi\u015fim hayat\u0131n dinamizmidir. Me\u015fhur tabirle de\u011fi\u015fmeyen tek \u015fey de\u011fi\u015fimdir. K\u00fcrt siyaseti bir s\u00fcredir kendini tekrar etmenin \u00f6tesinde yozla\u015fma ve \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmeye kar\u015f\u0131 da koruyucu mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fletememektedir. Bunun ortaya \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal k\u0131r\u0131lma, siyasetten so\u011fuma ve siyaset\u00e7iye y\u00f6nelik g\u00fcven bunal\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n hamaset s\u00f6ylemleriyle a\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 sorunla y\u00fczle\u015fmeyi ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fcretmeyi de imkans\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Bir […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":8359,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-8358","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-haberler"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8358","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=8358"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8358\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/8359"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=8358"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=8358"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ses.cokyasar.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=8358"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}